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By Jessica Greenberg

What occurs to pupil activism as soon as mass protests have disappeared from view, and adolescence now not include the political frustrations and hopes of a kingdom? After the Revolution chronicles the lives of pupil activists as they confront the chances and disappointments of democracy within the shadow of the new revolution in Serbia. Greenberg's narrative highlights the tales of younger scholar activists as they search to outline their position and articulate a brand new kind of valid political task, post-socialism.

When scholar activists in Serbia helped topple dictator Slobodan Milosevic on October five, 2000, they all of sudden chanced on that the post-revolutionary interval introduced even higher difficulties. How do you certainly stay and perform democracy within the wake of battle and the shadow of a up to date revolution? How do younger Serbians try to translate the power and pleasure generated through extensive scale mobilization into the sluggish paintings of creating democratic associations? Greenberg navigates in the course of the ranks of scholar agencies as they transition their activism from the streets again into the halls of the college. In exploring the typical practices of pupil activists—their triumphs and frustrations—After the Revolution argues that unhappiness isn't a failure of democracy yet a basic characteristic of the way humans dwell and perform it. This interesting publication develops a serious vocabulary for the social lifetime of unhappiness with the purpose of aiding electorate, students, and policymakers around the world get away the seize of framing new democracies as doomed to failure.

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Additional resources for After the Revolution: Youth, Democracy, and the Politics of Disappointment in Serbia

Sample text

Milena was visibly frustrated as she recounted to us her response to him: “Fine, they’re not human, but you don’t have choice. ” Milena’s harsh response to her father’s inability to deal with his condition is a telling example of the reversals of generational responsibility that characterized the period. Milena played the role of parent, educating her father about the ways of the world, dealing with his complaints, and scolding him as a parent might a whining child. That this tension would come out around labor practices is not surprising in a postsocialist context, in which relationships to work are a central site for renegotiating personhood (Dunn 2004; Kideckel 2008).

Such quick shifts in footing signaled by a move from vulnerable appeal to authoritative confidence were the warp and woof of how students managed to engage in a messy and discursively unstable world (Goffman 1979). But these deft shifts in communication also fed a widespread sense across different audiences that students were doing something wrong. Students were inconsistent, overly pushy, not pushy enough, too professional, too immature, too syndicalist, too directive, or not representative. They were unable to live up to the expectations of revolutionary action in large part because the work of defining democratic practice entailed sometimes-fractious disagreement that opened them up to accusations about whether they were “authentically” democratic or not.

It depicted the iconic Otpor fist lazily slouching in a chair and channel surfing. A direct critique of Otpor’s transformation from energetic youthfulness to lazy complacency, the cartoon distilled people’s disappointment in the figures who had been most emblematic of the democratic revolution. 11 Professors and teaching assistants complained about the lack of initiative among university students. Secondary school teachers, themselves barely out of university, complained about lack of respect and the rampant cheating and corruption they witnessed.

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