By William B. Gudykunst
After laying out the fundamental theories of intercultural communique, this ebook explains the similarities and variations in styles of communique in Japan and the U.S.. The authors then exhibit how an figuring out of those contrasting styles will help jap and North americans converse extra effectively.
content material: Cultural Similarities and alterations among the USA and Japan --
Language utilization within the usa and Japan --
verbal exchange styles within the usa and Japan --
expectancies for Japanese/North American conversation --
potent Japanese/North American Communication.
summary: After laying out the fundamental theories of intercultural verbal exchange, this publication explains the similarities and changes in styles of communique in Japan and the us. The authors then exhibit how an figuring out of those contrasting styles can assist eastern and North american citizens converse extra successfully
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Additional resources for Bridging Japanese/North American differences
280) Given their views on introductions, Japanese, more than North Americans, avoid strangers whose behavior may be unpredictable. Mizutani (1981) presents an interesting experiment to further illustrate the differences in greetings when he went jogging one morning. He greets all of the joggers (insiders) he encounters while running around the Imperial Palace in Tokyo and he also greets nonjoggers (outsiders). Virtually all of the joggers respond to his greeting (95%), whereas only slightly more than half of the nonjoggers (58%) respond to his greeting.
Takabayashi argues that the 3 predicate-centeredness of Japanese means two things. First, . . a subject is not always obligatory in a sentence. Second, in the topic-comment structure, topic is broader and more inclusive than the comment. This characteristic seems to be congenial with the idea that reality is complex and what we say about it amounts to be bits of comments, being a blurred and jerky picture of it. (p. 187) Such a structure will not allow linear logic to be used. Mizutani (1981) uses the example of a "higher-up" coming into a room that is cold and noticing that the window is open to illustrate how indirectness allows members of a group to maintain harmony.
If the listener is above the speaker in social status or age and the speaker is talking about the listener's actions, respect forms of keigo (sonkeigo) must be used. In this situation, if the speaker is referring to his or her own actions, humble forms of keigo (kenjoogo) must be used. Mizutani (1981) points out that Japanese are very strict about correct usage of sonkeigo and kenjoogo and that failure to use them correctly will lead to criticism. Suzuki (1978) illustrates how status differences influence the terms of address individuals use in the United States and Japan.