By Peter Ache, Hans Thor Andersen, Thomas Maloutas, Mike Raco, Tuna Taşan-Kok
The valuable target of many analyses in inhabitants stories and demography is to give an explanation for cause-effect relationships between variables or occasions. for many years, inhabitants scientists have focused their efforts on estimating the explanations of results (e.g. What bills for the decline of fertility charges? ) by means of utilising common cross-sectional and dynamic regression ideas, with regression coefficients normally being understood as estimates of causal results. the normal method of infer the consequences of motives (e.g. what's the impression of ladies s labour strength participation on fertility? ) in common sciences and in psychology is to behavior randomised experiments. In inhabitants reviews, experimental designs are unfeasible. however, quasi or average experiments are often played to estimate remedy results. even if, such a lot examine relies on non-experimental designs (also referred to as observational or survey designs). Inferring the consequences of explanations or remedy results from except experimental information is difficult. besides the fact that, remedy results may be inferred from non-experimental info with a counterfactual method. In one of these standpoint, causal results are outlined because the distinction among the capability final result without reference to even if someone got a definite therapy (or skilled a definite cause). The counterfactual method of estimate results of factors from quasi-experimental information or from observational reports used to be first proposed via Rubin (1974). different very important contributions comprise the paintings of James Heckman and collaborators and of Charles Manski and collaborators.
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Additional resources for Cities between Competitiveness and Cohesion: Discourses, Realities and Implementation (GeoJournal Library)
Nor does there an optimal institutional structure exist, which can be applied to any locality with success. Scales and institutions as well as productivity are embedded in social relations constructed over long periods; each social locality – whether village, city or country – have formed own combination of relations and institutions. They can be changed by social action only; depending on historical tracks and social contradictions this sometimes leads to severe social conflicts and in other cases to more peaceful agreements.
This often results in specific spatial forms of fragmentation, such as in ethnic villages, or in spatial forms of exclusion such as in the concentration of the excluded in particular neighbourhoods and of the rich and powerful in Competitiveness and Cohesion 27 their gated communities – excluding the rest of the city dwellers from the privileges they are capable of enjoying from their ‘ivory towers’. As for the role of competition: in a globalising world, writes Camagni, territories (such as cities) and not just firms increasingly are competing with each other.
The relation between competitiveness and cohesion can be seen as a more specific formulation of the more generic one between economy and society in general4 and it contains the same uncertainty as to the direction of this relation. Is cohesion a condition for competitiveness or does competitiveness (if not directly, then through its main result, which is economic growth) constitute the necessary context for social cohesion? Given the lack of empirical evidence regarding the relation between competitiveness and cohesion (Gordon, 2005b), what remains is to identify some arguments in the debate.