By George W. Stocking Jr.
As eu colonies in Asia and Africa grew to become self reliant countries, because the usa engaged in battle in Southeast Asia and in covert operations in South the United States, anthropologists wondered their interactions with their topics and frightened concerning the political outcomes of government-supported study. via 1970, a few mentioned anthropology as "the baby of Western imperialism" and as "scientific colonialism." sarcastically, because the hyperlink among anthropology and colonialism grew to become extra commonly approved in the self-discipline, severe curiosity in interpreting the historical past of anthropology in colonial contexts diminished.
This quantity is an attempt to start up a serious old attention of the various "colonial situations" during which (and out of which) ethnographic wisdom necessary to anthropology has been produced. The essays touch upon ethnographic paintings from the center of the 19th century to just about the tip of the 20th, in areas from Oceania via southeast Asia, the Andaman Islands, and southern Africa to North and South America.
The "colonial situations" additionally hide a extensive variety, from first touch in the course of the institution of colonial energy, from District Officer administrations via white settler regimes, from inner colonialism to overseas mandates, from early "pacification" to wars of colonial liberation, from the expropriation of land to the safeguard of ecology. The motivations and responses of the anthropologists mentioned are both different: the romantic resistance of Maclay and the complicity of Kubary in early colonialism; Malinowski's salesmanship of educational anthropology; Speck's advocacy of Indian land rights; Schneider's grappling with the ambiguities of rapport; and Turner's facilitation of Kaiapo cinematic activism.
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"Among the main extraordinary guides in anthropology, in addition to within the historical past of social sciences."—George Marcus, Anthropologica
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Extra info for Colonial Situations: Essays on the Contextualization of Ethnographic Knowledge (History of Anthropology, Volume 7)
Powder and shot I have enough; war I do not fear. If you wish to treat me like Captain Cheyne whom you murdered, then come. I now forbid every inhabitant to land on Malakal unless he has something useful for me, and no canoe may approach safely at night. That part of Malakal where I live is foreign land, and all your laws and customs end there. But I wish to be just, and to him who is friendly to me I shall be friendly also. 28 GEORGE W. STOCKING, JR. Johann Kubary, with Belauans, in the early days of his research for J.
Stocking 1983). Reflecting on it later, Malinowski suggested that work done "while living quite alone among the natives" was "incomparably more intensive than work done from white men's settlements, or even in any white man's company" (1915:109). Explaining why it was that he had been able to elicit information about sorcery but not about "eschatological beliefs," Malinowski suggested almost incidentally the general principle of a more participant ethnographic although it has been described as "more reliable" on "matters of language," and "richer in quotidian detail" (Young 1988; 49).
Firth 1982:22). By the end of that year, the eastern half of New Guinea had been divided between the British and the Germans, with the exploitation of Ma- 24 GEORGE W. STOCKING, JR. clay's coast (now part of Kaiser Wilhelmsland) placed in the hands of the newly founded Neu Guinea Kompagnie (Jacobs 1951a, 1951b; Moses 1977). Even after the fact, Maclay persisted in resisting annexation. A telegram he sent to Bismarck ("Maclay Coast natives reject German annexation") was used by the Iron Chancellor to rally anti-British and procolonial feeling in the Reichstag.