By Stefano Giacchetti Ludovisi
This quantity explores risk of making a political consequence from the idea of the early years of the Frankfurt institution, countering the commonly-made feedback that serious thought is extremely speculative. With chapters exploring the paintings of figures vital to the Frankfurt college, together with Benjamin, Adorno, Horkheimer, Marcuse, Habermas and Honneth, serious concept and the problem of Praxis unearths that it is just with a set and dogmatic version of politics that severe thought is incompatible, and that it will probably in truth yield a wealthy number of political types, starting from new varieties of Marxism to extra modern 'dialogical' versions focused at the politics of id. With cognizance to new methods of contrasting alienation and reification in modern varieties of social corporation, this booklet demonstrates that the idea of the Frankfurt institution can in truth be a useful instrument not just for constructing a critique of complex capitalism, but additionally for originating substitute versions of political praxis. As such, it's going to attract students of social and political concept, with pursuits in classical sociological proposal and continental philosophy
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Extra info for Critical Theory and the Challenge of Praxis: Beyond Reification
23 Ibid. 24 This, according to Adorno, means that the social dialectic that Marx had envisioned is blocked on every front: both on the side concerning the class contradiction between proletariat and capitalists, and on the side regarding the structural contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of production. Or better: the workers are exploited and the relations of production are actually obsolete, but this does not bring the consequences announced by Marx. The proletariat, in fact, is consumeristically integrated, and the relations of production (which predominate over the productive forces) are kept alive through ad hoc interventional measures.
We are, indeed, still inside capitalism: “production takes place today, as then, for the sake of profit. 31 The break with the old, more-or-less liberal capitalism, however, is significant; it can be summarized by considering the following aspects: primacy of the relations of production over the productive forces; social integration through consumerism and consequent end of class consciousness; transformation of the relation between production and needs, resulting in the fact that material production, instead of orienting itself to the satisfaction of already given needs, now directly generates the needs it should satisfy; control and stabilization of the economic cycle through intervention by the State.
The first manifestations of the student movement in 1968 seem indeed to have sparked some hope in Adorno. In April 1968, in fact, he wrote that “only recently 35 Theodor W. Adorno, Zur Lehre von der Geschichte und von der Freiheit, ed. Rolf Tiedemann (Frankfurt a. : Suhrkamp, 2001); trans. Rodney Livingstone, History and Freedom (Cambridge, MA: Polity Press, 2006), 76. 36 Theodor W. Adorno, “Anmerkungen zum sozialen Konflikt heute”, in Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Gesammelte Schriften, Band 8.